A document by Derek Keir. Click on the document to view its contents.

Spartina alterniflora (hereafter S. alterniflora) is an exotic saltmarsh species introduced into Chinese tidal flats for coastal protection purpose. Against a background of national-scale removal of this exotic species, it is essential to investigate whether native Chinese saltmarsh species could provide a similar coastal protection function. Here, the hydrodynamic turbulence attenuation by the native species Scirpus mariqueter (hereafter S. mariqueter) and S. alterniflora was compared through in situ observation in a macro-tidal estuary, China. Our results revealed that the turbulence attenuation rates of the two species depended on inundation depth and wave-current interactions. Empirical formulas were developed to predict turbulence variations within canopies under wave-dominant and coupled wave-current conditions. This study suggests that short, flexible native saltmarsh species have the potential to perform coastal protection function similar to S. alterniflora in coastal regions dominated by wave-current coupling, highlighting the complexity of using native species to enhance coastal resilience.

AbstractThis paper explores the issue of water security in South Asia, focusing on the transboundary water politics between India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. Water is a critical resource for all three nations, and shared river systems such as the Indus and Ganges have been sources of both cooperation and conflict. The paper examines how historical treaties, political tensions, and environmental challenges shape the current dynamics of water sharing in the region. Furthermore, it analyzes the impact of climate change, population growth, and industrialization on water availability and security. By comparing the approaches of India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh to managing shared water resources, this study highlights the complexities of transboundary water politics and suggests potential pathways for regional cooperation.Water Security in South Asia: Transboundary Water Politics between India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh

Note:  Electron beam nanolithography is usually performed in a special environment or in equipment designed for this purpose.  In both cases, a precisely focused electron beam is sequentially scanned along the sample to reveal the resistance.

Note: Graphene is one of the most widely used carbon materials in the electrode of nano supercapacitors.   Theoretically, graphene has the highest electrochemical capacity of two layers of about    21.7% and 0.93%.The main problem is  to reduce the capacity of the nano supercapacitor compared to  the adhesion of the graphene sheets to each other and subsequently reducing the surface area and  the permeability of the electrolyte ions into the electrode  . Ideal is used as a supercapacitor material.  The unique properties and highly porous structure of 3DGNs, or the 3D structure of graphene, not only provide  a high available surface area, electrolyte penetration and create pathways for  electron transfer, but also provide an excellent scaffold for the placement of active materials  . 3D GNs with extremely high surface area, high specific capacity, excellent mechanical properties  and high electrical conductivity provide a unique application in nano supercapacitor materials  with charge-discharge capability and long life.

AbstractThis paper analyzes the role of education reforms in promoting social mobility in South Asia, focusing on India and Nepal as case studies. Both countries have made significant strides in reforming their education systems over the past decades, aiming to improve access to education and reduce social inequalities. This paper explores the link between education reforms and social mobility, examining how these reforms have impacted historically marginalized groups, including women, lower-caste communities, and rural populations. By comparing the successes and challenges in both countries, this study aims to provide insights into how education policy can be leveraged to promote social mobility and economic development in South Asia. Education Reforms and Their Impact on Social Mobility in South Asia: A Comparative Study of India and Nepal IntroductionEducation is widely recognized as a key driver of social mobility, providing individuals with the skills and knowledge necessary to improve their economic and social standing. In South Asia, where poverty and social inequality remain persistent challenges, education reforms have been central to efforts aimed at reducing these disparities and promoting social mobility. India and Nepal, two neighboring countries with shared cultural and historical ties, have pursued different paths in reforming their education systems, with varying degrees of success.This paper examines the role of education reforms in fostering social mobility in India and Nepal. Both countries have introduced policies aimed at improving access to education, addressing gender and caste disparities, and increasing literacy rates. By comparing the impact of these reforms, this paper explores the extent to which education has contributed to upward social mobility, particularly for marginalized groups. Additionally, the study highlights the challenges that persist in both countries, including inequalities in educational quality, regional disparities, and the influence of social hierarchies on access to education.Education Reforms in IndiaHistorical Context and Key ReformsIndia’s education system has undergone significant reforms since independence in 1947. The Indian Constitution enshrined the right to education for all citizens, and subsequent policies have focused on expanding access to education, particularly for marginalized groups. One of the most significant reforms was the Right to Education (RTE) Act of 2009, which made education free and compulsory for children aged 6 to 14. The RTE Act sought to address the historical exclusion of lower-caste groups, women, and rural populations from formal education by ensuring universal access to primary education.In addition to the RTE Act, India has implemented affirmative action policies, including reservations in public schools and universities for Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs). These measures were designed to promote greater social inclusion and reduce the educational disadvantages faced by these groups.India’s National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 marked a significant shift in the country’s approach to education, focusing on improving the quality of education, vocational training, and digital literacy. The NEP aims to make the Indian education system more inclusive and flexible, with an emphasis on critical thinking and problem-solving skills.Impact on Social MobilityWhile education reforms in India have expanded access to education, their impact on social mobility has been mixed. According to the Annual Status of Education Report (ASER, 2020), enrollment rates in primary education have increased significantly, with near-universal enrollment for children aged 6 to 14. However, disparities in educational outcomes persist, particularly in rural areas and among lower-caste communities.Caste remains a major barrier to social mobility in India, despite affirmative action policies. Many lower-caste students face discrimination in schools, leading to high dropout rates and lower academic achievement. Furthermore, the quality of education varies significantly between government-run schools and private institutions, with wealthier families able to afford better educational opportunities. This divide reinforces existing social hierarchies and limits the upward mobility of disadvantaged groups.While the NEP 2020 emphasizes vocational training and skills development, which could enhance employability for marginalized groups, the implementation of these reforms remains a challenge, particularly in rural and under-resourced areas.Education Reforms in NepalHistorical Context and Key ReformsNepal’s education system has also undergone significant changes, particularly following the restoration of democracy in 1990. Prior to this, access to education was limited, especially for rural and marginalized communities. The introduction of the Education for All (EFA) initiative in the 1990s aimed to increase access to primary education, reduce illiteracy, and improve educational outcomes for girls and disadvantaged groups. The EFA initiative was complemented by the School Sector Reform Program (SSRP), which focused on improving the quality of education, teacher training, and infrastructure development.In 2015, Nepal adopted a new constitution that enshrined the right to education as a fundamental right. This was followed by the adoption of the School Sector Development Plan (SSDP) 2016–2023, which aims to enhance access to quality education at all levels and promote equity and inclusion in the education system. The SSDP places particular emphasis on improving education in rural areas and ensuring that marginalized groups, including Dalits and indigenous communities, have access to educational opportunities.Impact on Social MobilityThe expansion of education in Nepal has had a positive impact on literacy rates and access to education, particularly for girls and disadvantaged groups. According to the World Bank (2020), Nepal’s primary school enrollment rate reached 97% in 2019, a significant increase from previous decades. However, challenges remain in ensuring that education leads to meaningful social mobility, particularly in rural areas where the quality of education is often poor.Nepal’s caste system, like India’s, continues to influence access to education and social mobility. Dalit and indigenous students face significant barriers to achieving academic success, with higher dropout rates and lower educational attainment compared to higher-caste students. Moreover, regional disparities in educational infrastructure and teacher quality further exacerbate inequalities in educational outcomes.The SSDP has made some progress in addressing these challenges by improving teacher training and expanding access to secondary and tertiary education. However, as in India, the quality of education in rural areas remains a key concern, limiting the potential for education to serve as a pathway to social mobility.Comparative Analysis: Successes and ChallengesAccess vs. QualityBoth India and Nepal have made significant strides in expanding access to education, particularly at the primary level. Universal enrollment in primary education has been achieved in both countries, and policies targeting marginalized groups have contributed to greater inclusivity. However, access to education alone does not guarantee social mobility. The quality of education remains a critical issue, particularly in rural and under-resourced areas.In India, the dual education system, where private schools offer higher-quality education compared to government schools, reinforces social inequalities. Similarly, in Nepal, rural schools often suffer from poor infrastructure, lack of trained teachers, and inadequate resources, limiting the effectiveness of education reforms in promoting social mobility.Affirmative Action and Social InclusionAffirmative action policies in India, such as reservations for lower-caste groups and tribal communities, have had some success in promoting social inclusion in education. However, the persistence of caste-based discrimination in schools and society continues to limit the full potential of these policies. In Nepal, education reforms have focused on improving access for Dalits, indigenous communities, and girls, but social and cultural barriers remain significant obstacles to achieving educational equity.Both countries have recognized the need for targeted policies to address the specific challenges faced by marginalized groups, but the implementation of these policies remains inconsistent. Structural inequalities in both countries continue to hinder the role of education as a tool for social mobility.ConclusionEducation reforms in India and Nepal have played a crucial role in expanding access to education and promoting social inclusion. However, the link between education and social mobility remains tenuous, as disparities in educational quality, regional inequalities, and social hierarchies continue to limit opportunities for marginalized groups. While both countries have made significant progress in increasing enrollment rates and addressing gender disparities, more needs to be done to ensure that education leads to meaningful social mobility.To achieve this, both India and Nepal must focus on improving the quality of education, particularly in rural areas, and addressing the social and cultural barriers that continue to limit access for disadvantaged communities. By strengthening their education systems and ensuring that all students have access to high-quality education, these countries can harness the potential of education to promote social mobility and reduce inequality.ReferencesAnnual Status of Education Report (ASER). (2020). ASER 2020: India. Pratham.Ministry of Education, Government of Nepal. (2016). School Sector Development Plan (SSDP) 2016–2023. Government of Nepal.National Education Policy (NEP) 2020. (2020). National Education Policy. Government of India.World Bank. (2020). Nepal: Education Statistics. World Bank Data.

AbstractThe partition of British India in 1947 resulted in one of the largest mass migrations in human history, with millions of people crossing borders to escape religious violence and persecution. This paper examines the long-term effects of post-partition migration on identity formation in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. It explores how migration shaped national identities, ethnic and religious divisions, and social cohesion in these countries. Through a comparative analysis, the paper addresses the challenges of migration, displacement, and the politics of identity in post-partition South Asia. The study also highlights the role of migration in shaping the political and cultural landscapes of the region, contributing to contemporary issues of identity and nationalism. Post-Partition Migration and Identity in South Asia: A Comparative Analysis of India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh IntroductionThe partition of India in 1947 marked a profound moment of upheaval in South Asia, creating two independent nations—India and Pakistan—through the division of British India. This process of partition led to the displacement of millions of people, with Hindus and Sikhs fleeing to India, while Muslims sought refuge in Pakistan. The violence, trauma, and dislocation of partition have left an indelible mark on the region’s history and continue to shape contemporary identities in India, Pakistan, and later, Bangladesh, which gained independence from Pakistan in 1971.This paper examines how post-partition migration influenced identity formation in these three countries. The mass displacement created new ethnic and religious boundaries that continue to define national identities. By comparing the migration patterns and identity politics in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, this paper aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of how partition shaped the socio-political landscape of South Asia.Migration and Identity in IndiaThe Impact of Partition on Indian SocietyIn India, partition triggered the migration of nearly 14 million people, leading to widespread violence, loss of life, and destruction of property. The migration created deep divisions between Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs, solidifying religious identities in a country that prided itself on diversity. For many, partition was not only a geographic division but also a psychological and cultural rupture that affected individual and collective identities.The arrival of refugees in India from Pakistan created social and economic challenges for the Indian government, which had to integrate these displaced populations into a newly independent state. Refugee camps were established across northern India, particularly in Punjab and Delhi, where the majority of displaced Hindus and Sikhs settled. While the government provided some assistance to refugees, the process of resettlement was often fraught with difficulties, as refugees faced hostility, unemployment, and social marginalization.Identity Politics and the Rise of NationalismThe trauma of partition and the influx of refugees also contributed to the rise of nationalist movements in India. Religious and regional identities became increasingly politicized, with the ruling Congress Party promoting a secular, pluralistic vision of India, while Hindu nationalist organizations, such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), advocated for a Hindu-majority state. These tensions between secularism and religious nationalism have continued to shape Indian politics, with the legacy of partition influencing debates over citizenship, minority rights, and communal violence.Moreover, partition’s impact on identity in India extends beyond religious lines. Ethnic, linguistic, and regional identities also became central to India’s political discourse, as various states and regions sought greater autonomy and recognition within the Indian Union. The linguistic reorganization of states in the 1950s and 1960s, driven by demands from regional movements, further underscored the importance of identity in post-partition India.Migration and Identity in PakistanRefugee Integration and the Creation of a Muslim IdentityFor Pakistan, partition was a moment of both opportunity and challenge, as the country sought to establish itself as a homeland for Muslims in South Asia. The influx of Muslim refugees from India, known as Muhajirs, posed a significant challenge to the Pakistani state, which struggled to provide housing, employment, and social services for the millions of displaced people. The majority of Muhajirs settled in urban areas, particularly Karachi, transforming the city into a bustling metropolis but also creating tensions with the local Sindhi population.The presence of Muhajirs in Pakistan played a key role in shaping the country’s identity as an Islamic state. While Pakistan was founded on the basis of Muslim identity, it was not a homogenous society, and tensions between different ethnic and linguistic groups soon emerged. Muhajirs, who were often more educated and economically prosperous than their local counterparts, clashed with indigenous communities in Sindh and Punjab, leading to political and social unrest.The Role of Islam in National IdentityPost-partition Pakistan grappled with questions of identity, particularly the role of Islam in the state. While the country's founders, including Muhammad Ali Jinnah, envisioned a secular state where Muslims could live freely, subsequent governments increasingly emphasized Islam as a unifying force. The adoption of Islamic law and the establishment of an official Muslim identity became central to Pakistan's national narrative, particularly under the rule of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and later General Zia-ul-Haq, whose Islamization policies further cemented the role of religion in Pakistani society.However, this emphasis on Islam also marginalized non-Muslim communities, particularly Hindus and Christians, and exacerbated ethnic tensions within the country. In provinces such as Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, ethnic groups such as the Baloch and Pashtuns felt alienated from the central government, leading to demands for greater autonomy and, in some cases, violent separatist movements. The complex interplay of religion, ethnicity, and migration continues to shape Pakistan’s political and social landscape.Migration and Identity in BangladeshThe Creation of a New NationBangladesh’s identity was shaped by two waves of migration: the first during the partition of India in 1947 and the second during its war of independence from Pakistan in 1971. In 1947, Bengal was divided along religious lines, with the Hindu-majority areas joining India and the Muslim-majority areas forming East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). This division led to the displacement of millions of people, particularly Hindus who fled to India. However, it was the second wave of migration during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War that had the most profound impact on the country's identity.During the war, millions of Bengalis fled to India to escape the violence perpetrated by the Pakistani military, leading to a humanitarian crisis in the region. The influx of refugees into India strained relations between the two countries, while the trauma of displacement became a central part of Bangladesh’s national identity.Ethnic and Linguistic IdentityBangladesh’s post-independence identity was shaped not only by its Muslim majority but also by its strong linguistic and cultural identity as Bengalis. The Bengali language movement of the 1950s, which culminated in the recognition of Bengali as a state language in Pakistan, was a key factor in the rise of Bengali nationalism. The conflict between Bengali and Urdu-speaking populations in East Pakistan highlighted the tension between linguistic identity and the state’s efforts to impose a uniform Muslim identity.After gaining independence in 1971, Bangladesh embraced its linguistic and cultural heritage, with Bengali identity becoming a cornerstone of the new nation. However, the country has also faced challenges related to ethnic and religious minorities, particularly the indigenous peoples of the Chittagong Hill Tracts and the Hindu minority. These communities have often been marginalized in the nation-building process, leading to social tensions and, in some cases, violent conflict.Comparative Analysis: Migration, Identity, and NationalismCommon Themes and Diverging PathsThe migration patterns in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh have had lasting impacts on national identity, shaping each country's political and social dynamics in unique ways. In all three countries, migration led to the formation of new religious and ethnic boundaries, which continue to influence identity politics today. However, the specific trajectories of identity formation in each country have been shaped by distinct historical, cultural, and political factors.In India, partition reinforced the tension between secularism and religious nationalism, with migration contributing to the rise of communal violence and the politicization of religious identity. Pakistan’s identity, meanwhile, has been deeply intertwined with Islam, but the country’s internal diversity has led to ongoing struggles over ethnicity and regional autonomy. In Bangladesh, the struggle for independence and the emphasis on Bengali linguistic identity have shaped its national narrative, though ethnic and religious minorities continue to face challenges.ConclusionThe legacy of post-partition migration continues to shape the identities of India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. Migration not only altered the demographic landscape of South Asia but also reinforced religious, ethnic, and linguistic boundaries that have influenced each country’s national identity. Understanding the impact of partition and migration is crucial for addressing contemporary issues of identity, nationalism, and social cohesion in the region. As South Asia continues to grapple with these challenges, the lessons of partition and migration remain relevant to the pursuit of peace and stability.ReferencesBrass, P. R. (2003). The Politics of India since Independence. Cambridge University Press.Jaffrelot, C. (2015). The Pakistan Paradox: Instability and Resilience. Oxford University Press.Roy, A. (2013). Partitioned Lives: Migrants, Refugees, Citizens in India and Pakistan, 1947–1965. Oxford University Press.Schendel, W. v. (2009). A History of Bangladesh. Cambridge University Press.Talbot, I., & Singh, G. (2009). The Partition of India. Cambridge University Press.

A document by Yair Censor. Click on the document to view its contents.

This study examines the effectiveness of VR-based games in the treatment of children aged 8-12 diagnosed with ADHD. During the treatment process, the children played the "Frame Color Capture Game," "Puzzle Game," and "Stroop Test Game" once a week for six weeks. By the end of the study, it was observed that the number of correct responses increased in the "Frame Color Capture" and "Stroop Test" games, while the "Puzzle Game" contributed to the development of planning skills. The effects of virtual games on children diagnosed with ADHD were evaluated using the Conners Parent Rating Scale and the Anxiety and Depression Scale for Children. The data were analyzed by comparing pre- and post-treatment scores using a mixed-design method. According to the ANOVA results, significant improvements were found in the case group regarding general anxiety, total anxiety, behavior problems, learning difficulties, impulsivity, and hyperactivity levels. Additionally, a Bonferroni comparison showed that, except for panic and anxiety, the case group exhibited significant improvement in other parameters compared to the control group. In conclusion, VR-based games, when used in addition to medication treatment, were found to be effective in reducing symptoms such as anxiety, learning, and behavior problems in children diagnosed with ADHD.

AbstractThis paper explores the digital divide in rural India and the role that information and communication technology (ICT) plays in the country’s development. While ICT has transformed urban centers in India, rural areas continue to face significant challenges in accessing and utilizing digital tools. The digital divide exacerbates existing socio-economic inequalities, particularly in education, healthcare, and economic opportunities. This paper examines the key factors contributing to the digital divide, including infrastructure gaps, affordability, and digital literacy. It also analyzes the potential of ICT to drive rural development, improve access to essential services, and promote social inclusion. The paper concludes with policy recommendations for bridging the digital divide and ensuring that rural communities can fully participate in India’s digital economy. Digital Divide in Rural India: The Role of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) in Development IntroductionThe rapid expansion of information and communication technology (ICT) has fundamentally transformed economies and societies across the globe. In India, the rise of ICT has fueled growth in various sectors, from e-commerce and education to healthcare and governance. However, the benefits of the digital revolution have been unevenly distributed, particularly between urban and rural areas. While urban centers have embraced digital technologies, rural India continues to lag behind, creating a significant digital divide that exacerbates existing socio-economic disparities.This paper investigates the digital divide in rural India and its implications for development. It explores the challenges that rural communities face in accessing digital tools and services, as well as the potential role of ICT in promoting economic growth, improving education and healthcare, and fostering social inclusion. By analyzing both the obstacles and opportunities associated with ICT in rural areas, the paper aims to provide insights into how policymakers can address the digital divide and promote more equitable development across India.The Digital Divide in Rural IndiaInfrastructure GapsOne of the primary factors contributing to the digital divide in rural India is the lack of infrastructure. Reliable access to electricity and internet connectivity remains a significant challenge in many rural areas, preventing residents from using digital tools. According to a report by the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI, 2021), only about 35% of rural households in India have access to the internet, compared to over 70% in urban areas. This gap is particularly pronounced in states with lower levels of economic development, such as Bihar, Odisha, and Uttar Pradesh.The lack of broadband infrastructure is a key barrier to digital inclusion in rural India. While mobile internet penetration has increased in recent years, with over 750 million internet users in the country, the quality and speed of connections in rural areas are often inadequate for accessing services such as online education, telemedicine, and e-commerce. In many cases, rural residents must rely on 2G or 3G networks, which limit their ability to fully participate in the digital economy.Affordability and Access to DevicesAffordability is another significant factor that contributes to the digital divide. Many rural households in India are unable to afford the devices needed to access the internet, such as smartphones, tablets, or computers. The cost of data services, while relatively low compared to global standards, remains prohibitive for low-income families in rural areas. The Indian government’s Digital India initiative, launched in 2015, has aimed to address these challenges by promoting affordable internet access and digital infrastructure development. However, the benefits of these programs have been unevenly distributed, with rural areas continuing to face significant barriers to digital access.In addition to financial barriers, there is also a notable gender gap in digital access. According to a 2020 report by GSMA, only 37% of women in India’s rural areas have access to mobile internet, compared to 63% of men. This gender disparity reflects broader socio-economic inequalities and cultural norms that restrict women’s access to technology and education.The Role of ICT in Rural DevelopmentEducationICT has the potential to transform education in rural India by providing access to digital learning resources and online platforms that can supplement traditional classroom instruction. With the COVID-19 pandemic forcing schools to close across the country, the importance of digital education has become more evident than ever. However, the digital divide has made it difficult for rural students to access online learning opportunities, exacerbating educational inequalities.Government initiatives, such as the PM eVidya program, aim to bridge the gap by providing digital content through TV channels, radio broadcasts, and mobile applications. Additionally, organizations such as Pratham and the Khan Academy have developed online learning platforms that target rural students. Despite these efforts, digital literacy remains a significant barrier, as many rural teachers and students lack the skills needed to effectively use digital tools.ICT also offers opportunities for vocational training and skills development in rural areas. E-learning platforms can provide training in areas such as agriculture, entrepreneurship, and digital literacy, helping rural workers improve their employability and access better job opportunities.HealthcareAccess to healthcare services in rural India is often limited by geographic isolation, a shortage of healthcare professionals, and inadequate infrastructure. ICT has the potential to address these challenges by enabling telemedicine and mobile health services that connect rural patients with healthcare providers in urban areas.Telemedicine platforms, such as eSanjeevani, have been used to deliver healthcare services to remote rural communities, allowing patients to consult with doctors via video calls. These platforms can help reduce the need for rural residents to travel long distances to access medical care, improving healthcare outcomes and reducing healthcare costs.Additionally, mobile health applications can be used to disseminate health information, track disease outbreaks, and provide remote monitoring of chronic conditions. For example, the mHealth initiative by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare has been used to improve maternal and child health services in rural areas by providing mobile-based reminders for vaccinations and antenatal check-ups.Economic Opportunities and Financial InclusionICT also plays a critical role in promoting economic development in rural India by providing access to financial services, markets, and e-commerce platforms. Digital payment systems, such as Unified Payments Interface (UPI) and mobile banking apps, have expanded financial inclusion by enabling rural residents to conduct transactions, access credit, and save money without the need for a traditional bank account.E-commerce platforms, such as Amazon India and Flipkart, have begun targeting rural consumers by offering delivery services to remote areas and partnering with local sellers to expand their market reach. These platforms provide rural entrepreneurs with access to new markets, enabling them to sell their products online and increase their income.Additionally, ICT can support rural development by promoting smart agriculture, where farmers use digital tools to access weather forecasts, market prices, and agricultural best practices. Initiatives such as e-NAM (National Agriculture Market) provide a digital marketplace where farmers can sell their produce directly to buyers, bypassing traditional middlemen and improving their profit margins.Policy Recommendations for Bridging the Digital DivideExpanding Digital InfrastructureTo effectively address the digital divide in rural India, expanding digital infrastructure is crucial. The Indian government must prioritize investments in broadband infrastructure to ensure that rural communities have access to reliable, high-speed internet. Public-private partnerships could help accelerate the deployment of digital infrastructure in remote areas, while government subsidies could reduce the cost of internet access for low-income households.Enhancing Digital LiteracyDigital literacy programs are essential for enabling rural populations to fully benefit from ICT. The government and NGOs should work together to provide digital skills training for rural residents, with a particular focus on women and marginalized communities. These programs should cover basic computer and smartphone skills, as well as training in the use of online education, healthcare, and financial services.Promoting Affordable Access to DevicesAffordability remains a key barrier to digital inclusion in rural areas. The government could introduce subsidies or low-cost financing options to help rural households purchase smartphones, tablets, and other digital devices. Additionally, initiatives such as community technology centers, where residents can access shared computers and internet services, could help bridge the affordability gap.ConclusionThe digital divide in rural India presents significant challenges to achieving inclusive and sustainable development. While ICT has the potential to transform education, healthcare, and economic opportunities in rural areas, the lack of digital infrastructure, affordability, and digital literacy remains substantial barriers.By expanding digital infrastructure, enhancing digital literacy, and promoting affordable access to devices, policymakers can help bridge the digital divide and ensure that rural communities are not left behind in India’s digital transformation. As the country continues to embrace digital technologies, ensuring that all citizens can participate in and benefit from the digital economy will be critical for achieving equitable development.ReferencesGSMA. (2020). The Mobile Gender Gap Report 2020. GSMA.Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI). (2021). Annual Report on Telecom and Internet Connectivity in India. Government of India.Pratham. (2020). Digital Education for Rural India. Retrieved from [source].Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. (2020). mHealth Initiative for Rural Health Improvement. Government of India.

AbstractThis paper examines the significant health disparities faced by residents of urban slums in South Asia, focusing on India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. These densely populated slums are characterized by inadequate housing, poor sanitation, limited access to healthcare, and a high burden of communicable and non-communicable diseases. The paper explores the socio-economic and environmental determinants that contribute to these health disparities and assesses the challenges that public health systems in these countries face in addressing the needs of slum populations. The role of government policies, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and international aid in mitigating these health challenges is also discussed. The paper concludes by suggesting strategies for improving healthcare delivery and reducing health inequalities in South Asia’s urban slums. Health Disparities in Urban Slums of South Asia: Public Health Challenges in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh IntroductionUrbanization in South Asia has been rapid and uneven, with millions of people migrating to cities in search of better economic opportunities. However, for many of these migrants, life in the city often means living in slums, where access to basic services, including healthcare, is severely limited. The urban slums of India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh are home to some of the region's most vulnerable populations, who face significant barriers to accessing healthcare and achieving good health outcomes.This paper examines the health disparities in urban slums across these three countries, focusing on the public health challenges that contribute to poor health outcomes in these marginalized communities. Inadequate infrastructure, environmental hazards, overcrowding, and socio-economic deprivation all contribute to the high burden of disease and poor health status among slum dwellers. Additionally, the paper analyzes the structural weaknesses in public health systems that prevent effective healthcare delivery to slum populations and explores potential policy solutions to address these challenges.Health Disparities in Urban Slums of IndiaSocio-Economic Determinants of HealthIndia is home to some of the largest urban slum populations in the world, with an estimated 104 million people living in slums, according to the Census of India (2011). These slums, often located in densely populated urban centers such as Mumbai, Delhi, and Kolkata, are characterized by poor housing, lack of clean water, and inadequate sanitation. These conditions create a breeding ground for communicable diseases such as tuberculosis, cholera, and malaria.The socio-economic status of slum dwellers significantly impacts their health outcomes. Many residents work in informal sectors, earning low wages that limit their ability to afford healthcare services. Additionally, women and children in slums are particularly vulnerable to malnutrition, maternal mortality, and preventable diseases. According to the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5), child malnutrition rates in urban slums are alarmingly high, with over 30% of children under five suffering from stunting, a condition caused by chronic malnutrition.Public Health Infrastructure and ChallengesDespite India's economic growth, its public health infrastructure remains inadequate in addressing the needs of slum populations. Government health services in urban areas are often overstretched and under-resourced, with limited healthcare facilities, a shortage of healthcare workers, and insufficient access to essential medicines. The urban poor frequently rely on informal healthcare providers or private clinics, which may be unaffordable or of questionable quality.The COVID-19 pandemic highlighted the vulnerabilities of India’s urban slums, where overcrowding and poor sanitation made social distancing and hygiene practices nearly impossible. The pandemic further exacerbated health disparities, as slum residents faced higher infection rates, limited access to testing and treatment, and increased economic hardship.Health Disparities in Urban Slums of PakistanEnvironmental and Health ChallengesPakistan’s urban slums, particularly in cities such as Karachi and Lahore, face similar challenges to those in India. The population living in katchi abadis (informal settlements) in Pakistan has grown significantly due to rural-urban migration. According to the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics (2020), approximately 40% of the urban population lives in informal settlements.These slums are plagued by environmental hazards, including exposure to industrial pollution, open sewage, and inadequate waste management. Poor environmental conditions contribute to the spread of waterborne diseases, respiratory infections, and other health issues. Additionally, slum residents have limited access to clean water, exacerbating the prevalence of diarrheal diseases, which are a leading cause of child mortality in Pakistan.Malnutrition, particularly among children, is a major public health concern in Pakistan’s urban slums. The Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey (2018) found that 38% of children under five in urban slums were stunted, with higher rates among the poorest households. Malnutrition increases vulnerability to infectious diseases, further worsening health outcomes.Barriers to Healthcare AccessAccess to healthcare in Pakistan’s slums is hindered by several factors, including a lack of affordable healthcare services, poorly equipped public hospitals, and a shortage of trained healthcare workers. Many slum residents turn to informal healthcare providers or unlicensed practitioners, which can lead to inadequate or harmful treatment.Gender disparities also play a significant role in healthcare access. Women in slums often face cultural barriers to seeking healthcare, with many relying on male family members for permission to visit a doctor. This contributes to high maternal mortality rates and poor reproductive health outcomes. Efforts to improve healthcare access for women and children in slums have been limited, with government health programs struggling to reach these marginalized populations.Health Disparities in Urban Slums of BangladeshOvercrowding and Disease BurdenBangladesh’s rapid urbanization has led to the proliferation of slums, particularly in Dhaka, one of the world’s most densely populated cities. According to the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (2016), over 35% of Dhaka’s population lives in slums, where overcrowding and poor living conditions pose significant public health challenges. The lack of adequate housing, clean water, and sanitation in these areas has resulted in high rates of communicable diseases such as cholera, typhoid, and tuberculosis.In addition to infectious diseases, Bangladesh’s urban slums face a growing burden of non-communicable diseases (NCDs) such as hypertension, diabetes, and cardiovascular disease. The World Health Organization (WHO, 2019) reports that NCDs are on the rise in low-income urban areas due to unhealthy diets, lack of physical activity, and increased exposure to environmental pollutants. This double burden of disease places enormous strain on Bangladesh’s public health system.Government and NGO InterventionsThe government of Bangladesh has made efforts to address health disparities in urban slums through various public health initiatives, such as the Urban Primary Health Care Project (UPHCP), which aims to provide affordable healthcare services to slum dwellers. However, these programs face significant challenges, including limited funding, inadequate staffing, and logistical difficulties in reaching the most vulnerable populations.Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) play a crucial role in filling the gaps in healthcare provision for slum residents. NGOs such as BRAC and ICDDR,B (International Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research, Bangladesh) have been instrumental in providing healthcare services, conducting health education campaigns, and improving access to clean water and sanitation. However, the scale of these interventions is often limited by resource constraints, and the need for a more comprehensive and coordinated approach to public health in slums remains critical.Comparative Analysis: Shared Challenges and Context-Specific IssuesWhile India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh share many common challenges in addressing health disparities in urban slums, each country also faces unique context-specific issues that shape their public health responses.In all three countries, overcrowding, poor sanitation, and inadequate infrastructure contribute to a high burden of communicable diseases. Malnutrition, particularly among children, is a pervasive problem, exacerbating vulnerability to infectious diseases and hindering long-term development.However, each country’s response to these challenges differs. India’s decentralized public health system, while expansive, struggles to effectively reach slum populations due to resource limitations and coordination issues. Pakistan’s health system faces significant gender disparities, which limit access to healthcare for women and children. Bangladesh has made notable progress through partnerships with NGOs, but its public health system remains underfunded and overstretched in the face of rapid urbanization.Policy Recommendations and Strategies for ImprovementTo address the health disparities in urban slums across South Asia, several policy recommendations and strategies can be implemented:Strengthening Public Health Infrastructure: Governments in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh must invest in improving public health infrastructure in urban slums, including building more healthcare facilities, increasing the number of trained healthcare workers, and ensuring the availability of essential medicines and vaccines.Targeted Health Programs for Women and Children: Given the high rates of maternal and child mortality in slums, targeted health interventions that focus on reproductive health, nutrition, and child immunization are critical. Governments should prioritize programs that address gender disparities and improve healthcare access for women.Partnerships with NGOs and International Organizations: NGOs have been instrumental in providing healthcare services to slum populations, but greater collaboration between governments, NGOs, and international organizations is needed to scale up successful health interventions.Improving Sanitation and Access to Clean Water: Addressing the root causes of communicable diseases in slums requires a focus on improving sanitation, waste management, and access to clean water. Public health campaigns that educate slum residents about hygiene practices can also help reduce disease transmission.Addressing Non-Communicable Diseases: As urban slums in South Asia face a growing burden of non-communicable diseases, governments must develop comprehensive strategies to address NCDs through preventive care, health education, and access to affordable treatment.ConclusionHealth disparities in urban slums across South Asia present a significant public health challenge that requires urgent attention from governments, policymakers, and international organizations. The slum populations in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh are among the most vulnerable to poor health outcomes, driven by a combination of socio-economic deprivation, environmental hazards, and inadequate healthcare infrastructure.While there have been efforts by governments and NGOs to address these issues, the scale of the challenge requires more comprehensive and coordinated approaches. Strengthening public health infrastructure, improving sanitation, and addressing both communicable and non-communicable diseases are essential steps toward reducing health disparities in these communities.Addressing the health challenges in urban slums is not only a matter of social justice but also a crucial component of achieving sustainable development and improving the overall health outcomes in South Asia. The success of future public health initiatives will depend on the political will to prioritize marginalized communities, allocate sufficient resources, and implement effective, inclusive policies that promote health equity for all.ReferencesBangladesh Bureau of Statistics. (2016). Report on Urban Slums in Bangladesh. Retrieved from [source].Census of India. (2011). India Census: Slum Population Report. Government of India.National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5). (2020). India National Family Health Survey. Ministry of Health and Family Welfare.Pakistan Bureau of Statistics. (2020). Urban Slum Report in Pakistan. Government of Pakistan.World Health Organization. (2019). Non-Communicable Diseases in Bangladesh: A Growing Burden. Retrieved from [source].

AbstractThis paper examines the rapid growth of digital labor platforms in India and its implications for labor rights and economic inequality. As the gig economy expands, digital platforms like Uber, Zomato, and Swiggy have created new opportunities for employment, particularly for young workers in urban areas. However, these platforms often operate in regulatory grey areas, leading to concerns over workers' rights, job security, and the deepening of economic inequality. This paper analyzes the structure of India’s gig economy, the legal challenges surrounding platform labor, and the broader socio-economic impact of this shift. Additionally, it explores the potential for policy interventions to ensure fair wages, social protections, and improved working conditions for gig workers. The Rise of Digital Labor Platforms in India: Gig Economy, Labor Rights, and Economic Inequality IntroductionThe digital economy has transformed labor markets globally, and India is no exception. With the rise of platforms such as Uber, Ola, Zomato, and Swiggy, the gig economy has become a key component of the country’s employment landscape. Digital labor platforms offer flexibility and opportunities for workers who may not fit into the formal job market, particularly in urban areas. These platforms connect workers to short-term, task-based jobs through online platforms, providing income opportunities for millions.While the gig economy has undoubtedly created jobs, the nature of platform-based work raises critical questions about labor rights, job security, and economic inequality. Gig workers in India typically work without formal employment contracts, benefits, or social protections, making them vulnerable to exploitation and economic insecurity. As the gig economy continues to expand, understanding its impact on labor rights and inequality is crucial for shaping policies that ensure fair and inclusive economic growth.This paper explores the rise of digital labor platforms in India, focusing on the implications for labor rights and economic inequality. It examines the structure of the gig economy, the challenges facing platform workers, and the regulatory framework (or lack thereof) that governs platform labor. Additionally, the paper considers policy options for improving the working conditions of gig workers and addressing the socio-economic challenges posed by the gig economy.The Structure of India’s Gig EconomyGrowth of Digital Labor PlatformsIndia’s gig economy has experienced rapid growth in recent years, driven by increased smartphone penetration, widespread internet access, and the proliferation of digital platforms. According to a report by the Boston Consulting Group (2020), India’s gig economy is expected to grow to $455 billion by 2024, with around 90 million workers engaged in platform-based work. The transportation, food delivery, and e-commerce sectors have seen the most significant growth, with companies like Uber, Ola, Zomato, and Swiggy dominating the market.Gig work is typically characterized by short-term, task-based employment where workers are considered independent contractors rather than employees. This structure allows platforms to bypass traditional labor laws, avoiding the need to provide workers with benefits such as health insurance, paid leave, or retirement savings. Workers are paid based on the number of tasks or "gigs" they complete, leading to an unpredictable income stream that varies based on demand and platform algorithms.The flexibility offered by gig platforms is one of the main attractions for workers, especially in urban areas where formal job opportunities may be scarce. However, the lack of job security and formal contracts presents significant challenges for workers, many of whom face long hours, low pay, and limited recourse in cases of unfair treatment or dismissal.Demographics of Gig WorkersThe majority of gig workers in India are young men, particularly from urban and semi-urban areas, with limited access to formal employment opportunities. A survey by Fairwork India (2021) found that most gig workers are between the ages of 18 and 35, with a large portion coming from economically disadvantaged backgrounds. Many are first-generation urban migrants or individuals seeking supplementary income to support their families.Women are underrepresented in the gig economy, largely due to safety concerns, cultural norms, and the nature of platform work, which often involves physical labor and irregular hours. This gender disparity in gig work reflects broader patterns of economic inequality in India, where women face significant barriers to entering the workforce.Labor Rights and the Legal Challenges of Platform WorkLack of Legal ProtectionsOne of the most significant issues facing gig workers in India is the lack of legal protections. Because platform workers are classified as independent contractors rather than employees, they fall outside the purview of India’s labor laws, which guarantee minimum wages, health benefits, and social security protections for formal sector workers. As a result, gig workers are not entitled to the same rights as employees, leaving them vulnerable to exploitation and economic insecurity.The absence of formal contracts means that gig workers have little job security and can be terminated without notice or cause. Moreover, they have no access to grievance mechanisms or labor unions, which limits their ability to negotiate for better wages or working conditions. Platform companies often set pay rates and working conditions unilaterally, with workers having little say in the terms of their employment.Algorithmic Management and Worker AutonomyA defining feature of platform work is the use of algorithmic management, where algorithms determine workers’ assignments, pay rates, and performance evaluations. This system has led to concerns about transparency and fairness, as workers often have little understanding of how these algorithms work. For instance, ride-hailing drivers on platforms like Uber and Ola may be penalized for refusing rides or receiving low customer ratings, even if the reasons for these ratings are beyond their control.The reliance on algorithms also erodes worker autonomy. While platforms market gig work as flexible and empowering, the reality is that workers must adhere to strict performance metrics and often have little control over their schedules or workloads. This creates a power imbalance between platforms and workers, where the latter are subject to the whims of opaque algorithms without recourse.Efforts to Regulate the Gig EconomyRegulating the gig economy has proven challenging in India due to the decentralized and informal nature of platform work. However, there have been growing calls from labor rights organizations and trade unions to extend labor protections to gig workers. In 2020, India passed the Code on Social Security, which included provisions to extend social security benefits, such as health insurance and pensions, to gig and platform workers. While this represents a step in the right direction, the implementation of these provisions has been slow, and many gig workers remain unaware of their rights under the new law.Additionally, efforts to organize gig workers have gained momentum, with platforms like Fairwork India and the All India Gig Workers’ Union advocating for better wages, social protections, and fair treatment. These organizations are pushing for greater recognition of gig workers as employees, rather than independent contractors, which would entitle them to the same rights and protections as formal sector workers.Economic Inequality and the Gig EconomyThe Impact on Economic InequalityWhile the gig economy provides employment opportunities for millions of Indians, it also exacerbates existing economic inequalities. Platform work is highly precarious, with gig workers earning significantly less than their counterparts in the formal sector. A study by the International Labour Organization (2021) found that the average income of gig workers in India is around 30% lower than that of formal sector workers, with many gig workers struggling to make ends meet due to unpredictable income streams and lack of benefits.Moreover, the gig economy disproportionately benefits platform companies and investors, who extract significant profits from the labor of gig workers without providing them with adequate protections or compensation. This concentration of wealth at the top, combined with the precarious nature of platform work, contributes to widening income inequality in India.Gender DisparitiesThe gig economy also reflects and reinforces gender disparities in the labor market. As previously noted, women are underrepresented in platform work due to cultural norms, safety concerns, and the types of work typically offered on gig platforms. This exclusion of women from the gig economy further limits their economic opportunities and contributes to broader gender inequality in India.Efforts to address these disparities have included initiatives to promote women’s participation in the gig economy, such as the introduction of women-only ride-hailing services. However, these initiatives have had limited success in overcoming the structural barriers that prevent women from fully engaging in platform work.ConclusionThe rise of digital labor platforms in India has transformed the country’s labor market, offering new employment opportunities while raising significant concerns about labor rights and economic inequality. Gig workers face numerous challenges, including the lack of legal protections, low wages, and the precarious nature of platform work. At the same time, the gig economy exacerbates economic and gender disparities, contributing to a widening gap between formal sector workers and those engaged in platform-based labor.To address these challenges, it is essential for policymakers to implement stronger regulations that protect gig workers’ rights and ensure fair wages and working conditions. Additionally, efforts to extend social protections and promote the inclusion of marginalized groups, particularly women, are critical for creating a more equitable gig economy in India. As the gig economy continues to expand, it is vital to ensure that the benefits of digital labor platforms are shared more equitably and that workers are treated with the dignity and respect they deserve.ReferencesBoston Consulting Group. (2020). Unlocking the Potential of the Gig Economy in India. BCG Report.Fairwork India. (2021). Fairwork India Ratings 2021: Labour Standards in the Platform Economy. Oxford Internet Institute.International Labour Organization. (2021). The Role of Digital Labor Platforms in Shaping the Future of Work in India. ILO Report.

AbstractThis paper examines the complexities of religious pluralism and secularism in contemporary South Asia, with a particular focus on India and Sri Lanka. Both countries have rich traditions of religious diversity, yet their approaches to secularism and religious pluralism differ significantly. India’s model of secularism seeks to balance religious freedom with state neutrality, while Sri Lanka grapples with the challenges posed by its Buddhist-majority identity. This paper analyzes the historical and constitutional foundations of secularism in both countries, exploring the challenges posed by rising religious nationalism and ethnic conflict. Additionally, it highlights the opportunities for fostering religious pluralism and peace in the region through policy reforms, dialogue, and inclusive governance.Religious Pluralism and Secularism in Modern South Asia: Challenges and Opportunities in India and Sri LankaIntroductionSouth Asia is home to some of the most diverse religious traditions in the world, with centuries-old histories of coexistence and conflict. India and Sri Lanka, in particular, stand as prominent examples of religiously pluralistic societies where multiple faiths have long coexisted. However, the relationship between religion and state in these countries has evolved differently, especially in the context of modern secularism. While India has adopted a constitutional framework of secularism aimed at maintaining a balance between religious diversity and state neutrality, Sri Lanka has struggled to reconcile its religious pluralism with the dominant influence of Buddhism in public life.This paper seeks to explore the challenges and opportunities associated with religious pluralism and secularism in modern India and Sri Lanka. It examines how these countries have navigated the tension between religious freedom and state authority, particularly in the face of rising religious nationalism. By comparing the two nations, this paper aims to highlight the broader implications of secularism and pluralism for peace, stability, and democratic governance in South Asia.Secularism and Religious Pluralism in IndiaHistorical Context and Constitutional FrameworkIndia's religious pluralism is rooted in centuries of cultural exchange between Hinduism, Islam, Sikhism, Christianity, Buddhism, and other faiths. The framers of India’s Constitution, recognizing the importance of religious diversity, enshrined secularism as a guiding principle. India’s model of secularism, as articulated in its Constitution, does not advocate for a strict separation of religion and state. Rather, it promotes equal respect for all religions, with the state maintaining neutrality while ensuring that all citizens have the right to freely practice their faith.Article 25 of the Indian Constitution guarantees the freedom of religion, while Article 15 prohibits discrimination on the basis of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth. In this framework, the state plays a role in regulating religious institutions, particularly in preventing religious practices that contravene public order, morality, or health. Additionally, the Indian state has historically provided financial aid to religious institutions, a practice that some argue contradicts the notion of secularism.India’s unique form of "positive secularism" is often contrasted with the Western model, which advocates for a strict separation between religion and state. However, this approach has been tested by religious tensions and the rise of religious nationalism, particularly with the growing influence of Hindu nationalism (Hindutva) in Indian politics.Challenges to Secularism: The Rise of HindutvaIn recent decades, India’s secular identity has been challenged by the rise of Hindutva, a form of Hindu nationalism that seeks to redefine India as a primarily Hindu nation. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which subscribes to this ideology, has gained significant political power, raising concerns about the erosion of secularism and the marginalization of religious minorities, particularly Muslims.The rise of Hindutva has led to increased communal tensions, as seen in episodes of mob violence, lynching of Muslims accused of consuming beef, and the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992. Religious polarization has also been exacerbated by the implementation of controversial laws, such as the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) of 2019, which provides a pathway to citizenship for persecuted religious minorities from neighboring countries, excluding Muslims. Critics argue that such policies violate the secular principles of the Indian Constitution and threaten to undermine the country’s religious pluralism.Despite these challenges, India’s civil society continues to advocate for secularism and religious tolerance. Activists, intellectuals, and religious leaders have called for stronger legal protections for religious minorities and greater accountability for acts of communal violence. The courts, too, have played a role in upholding secular principles, although their decisions have often been inconsistent.Secularism and Religious Pluralism in Sri LankaThe Buddhist-Majority ContextSri Lanka presents a different model of religious pluralism, one that is deeply intertwined with the country’s Buddhist identity. Buddhism, which was introduced to Sri Lanka in the 3rd century BCE, has played a central role in shaping the island’s cultural and political landscape. The Sri Lankan Constitution gives Buddhism a "foremost place" (Article 9), obligating the state to protect and foster the religion. While the Constitution also guarantees freedom of religion for other faiths, the privileged position of Buddhism has complicated efforts to promote a truly secular state.Sri Lanka is home to a variety of religious communities, including Hindus, Muslims, and Christians, but the dominant role of Buddhism has led to tensions with these minority groups. Religious pluralism in Sri Lanka has often been tested by ethno-religious conflict, particularly during the country’s civil war (1983–2009), which saw the Tamil Hindu minority in the north fighting for independence from the predominantly Sinhalese Buddhist south.In the post-war period, religious tensions have continued to simmer. Buddhist nationalist groups, such as Bodu Bala Sena, have emerged, advocating for the protection of Buddhist culture and often targeting religious minorities, particularly Muslims. Anti-Muslim sentiment has grown in recent years, manifesting in violent riots and discriminatory rhetoric.Challenges to Secularism: Ethno-Religious ConflictThe intersection of religion, ethnicity, and nationalism in Sri Lanka has posed significant challenges to the promotion of secularism. The post-war political landscape has been shaped by a resurgence of Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism, which seeks to assert the primacy of Buddhism in national identity. This resurgence has led to increased marginalization of religious minorities, particularly in the form of legal restrictions on religious practices and violence against places of worship.For example, Muslims have faced growing hostility, with incidents such as the 2018 anti-Muslim riots in Kandy, where mosques and Muslim-owned businesses were attacked. The Easter Sunday bombings of 2019, carried out by Islamist extremists, further inflamed tensions, leading to calls for stronger restrictions on the Muslim community, including bans on burqas and the closure of some Islamic schools.The challenges of promoting secularism in Sri Lanka are further complicated by the political dynamics of post-war reconciliation. The government has struggled to balance the demands of the Sinhalese Buddhist majority with the need to protect the rights of Tamil Hindus, Muslims, and Christians. Efforts at reconciliation and power-sharing have often been stymied by political divisions, and the legacy of the civil war continues to hinder efforts at fostering religious harmony.Opportunities for Promoting Religious PluralismLegal and Policy ReformsDespite the challenges, both India and Sri Lanka have opportunities to strengthen religious pluralism through legal and policy reforms. In India, there is a growing call for stronger enforcement of laws that protect religious minorities and greater accountability for communal violence. The judiciary, in particular, could play a crucial role in safeguarding secularism by ensuring that laws such as the CAA do not violate constitutional principles of equality and religious freedom.In Sri Lanka, policy reforms could focus on promoting greater inclusivity in government institutions and reducing the dominance of Buddhism in public life. This could be achieved by ensuring that laws and policies are framed in a way that protects the religious rights of all communities, rather than privileging one religion over others. Additionally, promoting dialogue between religious communities and fostering a culture of mutual respect could help mitigate the influence of ethno-religious nationalism.Civil Society and Interfaith DialogueCivil society organizations and interfaith groups have played a key role in promoting religious tolerance and pluralism in both India and Sri Lanka. These organizations have been instrumental in advocating for the rights of religious minorities, facilitating interfaith dialogue, and promoting peaceful coexistence.In India, initiatives such as the National Foundation for Communal Harmony and various NGOs work to reduce communal tensions and provide relief to victims of religious violence. Similarly, in Sri Lanka, organizations such as the Centre for Policy Alternatives and the National Peace Council have been actively involved in promoting post-war reconciliation and fostering dialogue between different religious and ethnic communities.The role of religious leaders in promoting pluralism is also critical. By engaging in dialogue and advocating for tolerance, religious leaders can help bridge the divides between communities and promote a more inclusive vision of national identity.ConclusionReligious pluralism and secularism in modern South Asia are complex and contested concepts, particularly in India and Sri Lanka. Both countries face significant challenges in balancing religious diversity with state neutrality, as religious nationalism and ethnic conflict continue to shape their political landscapes. However, there are also opportunities for fostering greater religious harmony and protecting the rights of all citizens through legal reforms, inclusive policies, and the promotion of interfaith dialogue.The future of secularism in South Asia will depend on the ability of governments, civil society, and religious leaders to navigate these challenges and promote a more inclusive vision of national identity that respects and celebrates religious diversity.ReferencesBastian, S. (2015). The Politics of Ethnicity in Sri Lanka. Oxford University Press.Hasan, Z. (2010). The Politics of Inclusion: The Indian Experience. Oxford University Press.Jayal, N. G. (2006). Representing India: Ethnic Diversity and the Governance of Public Institutions. Palgrave Macmillan.Rajasingham-Senanayake, D. (2002). Ethnic Futures: The State and Identity Politics in Asia. SAGE Publications.Shankar, P. (2019). Secularism in India: Constitutional Framework and Challenges. Indian Journal of Public Policy, 6(1), 22-35.Uyangoda, J. (2012). Sri Lanka in the Post-War Context: Rebuilding and Secularism. Routledge.Weeraratne, S. (2017). Buddhism and Politics in Sri Lanka: The Rise of Religious Nationalism. South Asia Journal of Human Rights, 11(2), 103-126.

Disulfide bonds have been recognized as key reversible linkages within the realm of dynamic covalent chemistry. Typically, the cleavage of S–S bonds has been accomplished through thiol- or metal sulfide-mediated disulfide exchange reactions. In this study, we report a novel Se–S dynamic exchange reaction as a highly efficient method for cleaving S–S bonds. Moreover, this groundbreaking research also explores and validates the mechanism of the dynamic reaction between Na 2Se and disulfides. This strategy has been successfully applied in organic synthesis to prepare benzothiazole derivatives from disulfides and either carbon disulfide or aromatic aldehydes, demonstrating highly efficient S–S bond cleavage, lowered dosage of S–S bond cleaving reagent, good tolerance toward various substituents and excellent yields. Consequently, the concept of a metal selenide-disulfide dynamic interchange reaction is anticipated to significantly impact the field of dynamic covalent chemistry, providing a versatile route for synthesizing a wide array of sulfur-containing heterocyclic compounds.

A document by Shunsuke Sato. Click on the document to view its contents.

Caste and Economic Inequality in Contemporary India: Structural Hindrances to Social Mobility and Inclusive Development Abstract This article will critically analyze the persistent association and overlap between caste and economic inequality in contemporary India, with a focus on the entrenched structural impediments that hinder social mobility for historically marginalized communities. While there have been constitutional protections and affirmative action policies implemented in India since independence, caste-related disparities in education, employment, and asset ownership remain intact. This article will examine the complex relational legacy of the caste system, elaborate the structural aspects of economic exclusion, and discuss how sociocultural norms and institutions operate to maintain caste structures. The analysis is focused on the perspectives of Dalit and Adivasi communities, while situating the issue more broadly within neoliberal globalization and digitalization. Finally, this article will conclude that only with intersectional, equity focused policy changes will India remove such systemic inequities and realize the promise of social justice and inclusive citizenship envisaged in the Constitution.Introduction The caste system in India is one of the strongest and most entrenched forms of social stratification in modernity. Even though the Indian state, after independence, removed legal sanctions against untouchability and provided legislated protections to historically oppressed communities, the realities of Dalits and Adivasis reveal that structural inequality remains pervasive. Dalits and Adivasis are still excluded from quality education, formal jobs, land and asset ownership, and representation, all sectors vital to social mobility.This paper investigates how structural and institutional mechanisms perpetuate caste-based economic inequality in India. Beyond offering a descriptive account, we engage in scholarly debates in political economy, development studies, and social theory to understand how caste continues to mediate access to socioeconomic opportunities. In doing so, we consider the utility of affirmative action policies, critique the limits of liberalization-era policies, and examine how the global economy interacts with the social hierarchy at home. By focusing on the lived experiences of Dalits and Adivasis, we will add to our understanding of the complex and changing forms of social division in India today. Historical Legacy and the Persistence of Caste-based Hierarchies The caste system in India is a historical possibility today and is based upon religious beliefs and feudal structures of power which labelled society as strict hereditary groups. The Manusmriti and other Dharmashastra texts further enshrined these classifications into accepted social divisions, establishing a profoundly hierarchical order, with Brahmins defining spiritual establishments, Kshatriyas overseeing political orders, and developing an economy of exclusion that would subsequently dehumanize both the Dalits and Adivasis. The Adivasis were not specifically labeled in the varna system but were subjected to equally troubling forms of marginalization driven by colonial dispossession, colonial displacement, and lack of acknowledgement from the state.By 1950 India formally adopted a Constitution that prohibited caste discrimination and offered equal opportunity, however the patterns of social structure have retained continuity and they have proven resistant to change. Patterns of landlessness between Dalits and Adivasis, lack of quality and access to education, modest access to economic patronage & with continued exclusion and oppression have contributed to generations of cyclical poverty. The caste system has not been remade in ideological terms, but continues to exist materially, institutionally, and spatially. As Gopal Guru and Anand Teltumbde note, the contemporary Indian state has failed to undermine the mass of caste and class based oppression, and have often perpetuated these with official bureaucracy, elite accumulation, and top down societal reforms that fail to address the systematic labour and distribution related inequalities. Caste and the Labour Market: Structural Exclusion and Discrimination In India, the labour market outcomes remain extremely influenced by caste, with formal laws committing the society to meritocracy and equal opportunity. Empirical evidence shows that there is discrimination against job applicants from Dalit and Adivasi backgrounds through the correspondence study from Thorat and Attewell (2007). Dalit and Adivasi applicants are discriminated against even if they have the same level of qualifications as upper-caste applicants in the formal economy. Discrimination is even stronger in private sector workplaces, which have very few oversight on enforcement of affirmative action, despite India's significant involvement in employer-controlled affirmative action.In rural economies, Dalit and Adivasi groups are overrepresented in casual and informal employment in work like agricultural wage labour, manual scavenging, construction, and domestic work. The 2017 National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) data shows that the majority of Dalit and Adivasi workers were located in the latest section of the occupational hierarchy - with limited upward mobility. Informal work is in most cases insecurities about income, benefits and legally sanctioned work; however, they also deny workers important elements like social security benefits, legal recourse and consultancy rights in labour, and to establish bargaining associations.In the urban economy, while lower-caste individuals have mostly entered the formal economy through quotas (or reservations) or entrepreneurship patterns, the common processes still show outcomes of rejection and exclusion. Discrimination during hiring, workplace harassment, limited or non-existent mentorship, and promotional paths leaves a segmented, stratified labour market on caste lines where although the economy is modernized, caste matters in who gets hired, who is unemployed, and who advances in their work. Education and Access to Resources: Reproducing Inequality Through Schooling Education is frequently touted as a key mechanism for dismantling poverty and creating social mobility. It is an obstacle course for all marginalized communities, but caste stratified societies like India insert education system itself into our system of discrimination. Ensuring equality of education is not enough to break the cycle of poverty, as there is a serious lack of access and quality education for Dalit and Adivasi children.Primary and secondary government schools, which are where the majority of Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) students enroll, are largely characterized by subpar facilities, large student-teacher ratios and a consistent lack of trained instructors. Rates of dropout for these groups are demonstrably higher than the national average. This is attributable, in part, to economic pressures and social exclusion that drive pathway choices. This social exclusion and subsequent dropout is driven by cultural displacement and prejudice within the classroom setting and a lack of culturally-related pedagogy.Although we now see a portion of students from lower castes progressing in higher education through quotas, they are doing so with a lack of education, training, and trust in their formally credentialed identity experienced while achieving higher education. Likewise, while private educational institutions have become synonymous with quality and success in the era of liberalization, market based schooling is simply too expensive for most Dalit and Adivasi families.Drèze and Sen (2013) identify the Indian education system as experiencing a form of inequality they describe as "vertical dualism": the elite private school sector coexists with a poorly funded public sector and a legacy of segregation and schooling exclusion from economic and social agendas. This remaining caste division maintains the concept that education is not only associated with access to an education, but also with the expectations and outcomes of the educational experience itself. The loss of access to credentials and employable skills effectively continues economic and social exclusion while negating the transformational potential of an education in a democracy. Land Ownership and Agrarian Power Structures Land distribution in India is one of the most apparent expressions of caste-based inequality. Traditionally, landlords have dominated land ownership as an upper caste, and Dalits had become landless labour and bonded servitude to these landlords. Adivasi communities have frequently been settled in forests and tribal lands that were redirected under colonial governments, and then rendered insecure as a consequence of post-independence development initiatives.Although there have been unsuccessful land reforms since the Nehruvian epoch and continued in the subsequent decades, the change has been limited and inconsistent across states. Political resistance and defaults, administrative inefficiency, and elite actors playing with land records have all contributed structural barriers to redistributive social justice remaining theoretical. Even on India Human Development Survey 2015 counts, land remains heavily biased toward upper caste households, and Dalits and Adivasis continue to enjoy small, or no access to agricultural means.The consequences of being landless is expansive. Land generates not only means of production and economic security, but also entails cultural independence, social honour, and political authority in rural India. Landlessness materially traps Dalits and Adivasi into dependent economic situations, and tempts them to exploitation, displacement, and resulting disenfranchisement. Even where successful, land transfer appeared to be legitimate, credit, irrigation and extension services did not contribute to productive capability of land because of exclusion.Consequently, land reform, can potentially warrant off-the-radar, uncontroversial, intervention into caste-based economic inequality. Without significant structural shifts in agrarian ownership and agrarian control, rural poverty and exclusion trajectory will remorselessly persist. The Limits of Affirmative Action: Political Symbolism vs. Structural Change Affirmative action—or "reservation"—is undoubtedly the most common policy instrument that Indian state has employed, to remedy past injustices. While quotas in public education, government employment, and legislative representation have indeed provided some upward mobility, we must nevertheless contextualize these policy wins within the overall structure of inequality.First, the implementation of reservations has been arbitrary across states and arenas. The private sector, now responsible for the majority of new job creation in India, is totally outside the reach of affirmative action. Second, reservations largely benefit one "creamy layer" within marginalized communities, which consists of those who enjoy a higher degree of social capital (urban, education, etc.) while leaving behind the poorest, underdeveloped, and most oppressed.Also, affirmative action frequently becomes a contested site of political will rather than an active agent of empowerment. Upper-caste resistance in India, judicial injunctions on quotas, and populist politics have factored into diminishing the redistributive capacity of these policies. Also, we cannot forget that these policy structures often provide symbolic representation (i.e. a seat at the table) without fundamentally changing the structural barriers; to this end, scholars have called it "reservation without emancipation."Ultimately, moving from a mere number to a structural intervention - including through some level of investment in education, health, housing, and employment for those left behind - is needed for real change. No matter how you frame it, affirmative action must not be used as a mechanism of co-optation, but instead a vehicle of emancipation. Globalization and Economic Liberalization: Dualities of Opportunity and Exclusion India's economy was irreversibly opened up to the world after 1991. Growth in the service and technology sectors, massive investment inflows, and the expansion of urban consumer markets were all perceived as prefiguring prosperity. However, these economic transformations have proven uneven in their distributive impact; caste continues to operate as a latent organizing principle of who benefits—and who does not.Some Dalits and Adivasis have found jobs in knowledge industries, information technology, business process outsourcing, and retail; however, these jobs are the exception rather than the rule. Access to these industries requires educational attainment, fluency in English, and connections to social networks in urban contexts—a combination of advantages that most marginalized caste groups do not have because of historical and structural deprivation.Furthermore, globalization has generated wealth and market power among dominant castes who have the capital, contacts, and mobility to leverage new opportunities. Sociologist Satish Deshpande (2003) has noted that the "castelessness" of the upper-caste elite is an intentional form of invisibility—a strategic masking of caste privilege as merit in liberalized markets. This shows that neoliberalism has not dismantled caste hierarchies, but has rearticulated caste hierarchies in ways that are less visible, but are still exclusionary.This exclusionary potential has been further exacerbated with the rise of digital capitalism. Specifically, the digital divide—differential access to the internet, digital literacy, and digital systems & infrastructure—has profoundly disadvantaged rural people and people from lower castes. While the state has championed "Digital India" as a transformative leap forward, millions remain completely shut out of its Benefits from a spatial-based and caste-based structural inequalities.Economic liberalization has given rise to what scholars called “exclusive growth”—a form of development that privileges market efficiency over social justice, and accumulation over equity. Without ongoing affirmative redistributive measures, globalization in India, has exclusively become yet another vehicle through which caste-based inequality continues to be produced and maintained. Intersectionality and the Need for Structural Reform Interrogating caste and economic inequality in contemporary India with an intersectional lens is essential. The structural disadvantages faced by Dalits and Adivasis cannot only be understood in terms of caste – caste-related oppression is multiplied when other vectors like region, gender, disability, and religion intersect with caste. Dalit women are one of the most socio-economically disadvantaged groups in India where suffering compounded oppression with caste occupying a dominant feature in their work in the domestic, as well as, in the public and private spheres.Adivasi communities may eventually suffer a different kind of marginality due to ecological violence, culture erasure and absence of the state. Adivasi struggles cannot purely be understood through a lens of caste, but they demand an engagement with indigeneity, sovereignty and ecological justice.The intersectional lens helps to understand the limitations of existing policy frameworks that address inequalities in silos. Without an approach that points, touches or targets these multiple forms of disadvantage, interventions that are well-meaning, can miss their intended target or worse, lead to a cycle of unintended consequences.Based on this view, there should be a call for the State to implement a multi-pronged approach that includes:Structural land securitisation and redistribution for marginalised communities.Significant investment at all levels of education including vocational training and digital literacy, matched with proportionate delivery, to ensure equitable education.De-jure obligatory positive discrimination in the private sector.New social protection for informal sector workers, in addition to considering the informal economy.Agreements to demand public and private bodies accountable for caste discrimination in their operations.These reforms demand more than just administrative commitment, it will require changes, also, in the way the public thinks of caste. Ending caste inequality cannot only be about the act and the outcome of technocratic and administrative levels of responsibility and action, it requires public bravery, civic agency, civil society mobilisation and ethical leadership. Conclusion Caste-based economic inequality remains one of the most enduring structural barriers to social justice in contemporary India. While constitutional mandates and policy interventions have provided some access to justice, the insidious and pervasive nature of caste hierarchies continues to structuate people's access to essential areas of life in education, employment, land, and capital. Together, the exclusionary access in labour market, the devaluation of public education, the frozen potential of land reform, and the advantages of globalization reinforce a stratified economic order that works to exclude Dalits and Adivasis.While affirmative action is crucial, a wider anti-redistributive approach paired with institutional accountability has been lacking. Moreover, the neoliberal turn has often obscured caste disadvantage through the notion of meritocracy, further normalising and perpetuating inequality in less visible and more subversive fashions.To move towards a more just society, India must refocus its development framework. It must adopt an intersectional justice agenda that simultaneously engages with structural change and reflexive change in attitudes. It will be necessary to uproot both formal and informal systems of caste exclusion for India to achieve the redistributive egalitarian vision outlined in its Constitution.Economic growth alone will not result in social justice. India needs inclusive development - development that goes beyond GDP, recognizing development as a process that assesses how many of those who have been historically excluded are included, redistributed accessibility, and respected as human beings irrespective of caste. References・Drèze, J., & Sen, A. (2013). An uncertain glory: India and its contradictions. Princeton University Press. ・India Human Development Survey (IHDS). (2015). Caste, land, and inequality in India. University of Maryland. ・National Sample Survey Office (NSSO). (2017). Employment and unemployment situation in India. Government of India. ・Thorat, S., & Attewell, P. (2007). The legacy of social exclusion: A correspondence study of job discrimination in India. Economic and Political Weekly, 42(41), 4141–4145. ・Deshpande, S. (2003). Contemporary India: A sociological view. Penguin Books.

The Impact of Climate Change on Rural Livelihoods in South Asia: A Comparative Study of India, Nepal, and Bangladesh AbstractThis article provides a comparative assessment of several aspects of climate change on rural livelihoods. In India, Nepal and Bangladesh have fairly large commonalities in terms of climate risk as with many South Asian countries, all three nations showcased stark differences in contextual geographical and governance contexts. However, they are all extremely vulnerable to the risks of climate change because of their inherent reliance on agrarian economies, fragile ecological contexts and adaptive capacity in rural contexts. In addressing these issues, the assessment harnesses climate data, socio-economic variables and responses from field work to articulate how changes in precipitation patterns due to climate change, glacial melt, increases in heat-stress, and salinisation are affecting the rural economy, and consequently impacting the forms and cycles of poverty, and have resulted in a destabilisation of social structures. Finally, the paper reflects on government level policies, the importance of local adaptation and households, and the role of international development assistance. By positioning the similarities and distinctions pertinent to three countries, we are able to contribute to understanding climate resilience and rural vulnerability in South Asia, and make strategic and policy recommendations to integrate climate action. IntroductionClimate change has become a challenge not only for the environment, but as a significant socio-political issue, particularly for the Global South. South Asia, which has more than 1.8 billion people, is among the most vulnerable regions to climate. Much of the rural population in the Global South, especially in South Asia, face a high climate risk because they depend on climate sensitive activities (such as agriculture, fisheries, and forestry). The need for context-specific adaptation is evident when considering that in South Asia, the rural population, which is the most vulnerable to climate, presents as diverse as India’s drought-prone areas, Nepal’s glacial-fed farmlands, and Bangladesh’s salinity-affected deltas.This paper explores the uneven impacts of climate change on rural livelihoods in India, Nepal, and Bangladesh. Beyond identifying biophysical stressors, it will examine how the existing socio-economic systems mediate or amplify climate risk. The objectives of this paper are informed by interdisciplinary approaches in the fields of environmental studies, development economics, and climate justice. It is important to consider how biophysical impacts are socially or culturally constrained, and rural adaptation or resilience must work through the social context. This approach critically examines not only the technical adequacy of national and local initiatives, but the extent to which they emerge from a legible social reality. It will conclude by making recommendations for action towards more sustainable adaptation, participatory policy development, and regional collaboration. Climate Change and Rural Livelihoods in IndiaAgricultural Disruption and Hydrological InsecurityIndia's climate vulnerability is acute but heterogeneous. The monsoon system that brings over 70% of the average annual rainfall has become increasingly erratic from climate change. According to studies by the Indian Ministry of Earth Sciences (2020), average temperatures have steered upward with little indication of any downturn — around 0.7°C\2010 since 1901 — and heat waves more common, with the reliability of seasonal rainfall in decline. These climate changes have serious ramifications for rural livelihoods with over 50% of the population still directly or indirectly engaged in the agricultural sector. Rainfed agricultural production is already severely limited under climate change conditions, and significant reductions in groundwater resources - especially in the semi-arid regions of Maharashtra, Gujarat and Rajasthan - streamlines the dual crisis of unsustainable economic practice and resource scarcity. With the lower classes of smallholder farmers spending every available dollar and then exhausting what little credit resources available to them, a group of subpopulations that represents the backbone of the agrarian economy of India, is severely impacted by climate change-induced vulnerabilities, partly due to excess financial resource limitations, overall lack of technology-based initiatives supporting natural climate protection, and institutional resource support for plummeting rainfall resources. While disadvantages faced by smallholder farmers were once offset through seasonal planning and knowledge of water-maintaining pest deterrents and soil management practices, crop failures are on the rise and risk-reducing strategies are becoming ineffective. Due to low cost risk-sharing models and crop risk denials, structural changes in agrarian distress are becoming an operational feature of the rural operational reality.Socioeconomic and Gendered RepercussionsThe economic effects of climate change stress are alarming. The Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations (2019) state that climate variability could result in declines in agricultural incomes of more than 25% in the coming decades. This has led to an increase in rural indebtedness, food insecurity, and a trend of distress migration by rural populations, particularly among youth. The distress migration, when men labour migrate to urban destinations for employment, is clear evidence of the growing feminization of agriculture; women are being left to manage household food security and agricultural land, without the rights and/or institutional support of ownership or land management.And, as climate disruption increases, this fragmentation is fueled in rural areas by the inability to draw upon customary, kin-based, or caste-based support networks, the resilience and longevity of which are being eroded by climate-induced changes in rural economy uncertainty.In this regard, climate change is more than a biophysical phenomenon; it is a relentless force that changes rural society by undermining the customary ways of living and the structures and institutions of piloting rural social and economic life. Climate Change and Rural Livelihoods in NepalGlacial Retreat and Hydro-Agricultural SystemsNepal's unique ecology—steep mountains, fragile ecosystems, and widespread rural settlements—means it is particularly vulnerable to the hydrology impacts of climate change. The Himalayas, the source of meltwater for agriculture and hydropower, are retreating like never before. The Himalayan Monitoring Report (2020) states that, over the last thirty years, Nepal has lost about 25% of its glacier volume. This loss puts downstream irrigation at risk, in addition to the possibility of events such as glacial lake outburst floods (GLOFs), which disproportionately impacts rural and isolated smallholder farmers.In terms of agriculture, the situation is dire. Traditional cropping systems are collapsing as water from glacial-fed water becomes increasingly unreliable. Many of the mid-hill and Terai farmers are practising a desperate version of subsistence food production that is done with limited support from the state as they are being forced to navigate a water regime that is increasingly unreliable. The situation is compounded by underinvestment in rural public goods, limited hydrological data, and ineffective governance and accountability mechanisms.Adaptive Strategies and Structural ConstraintsDespite this, some community-level initiatives are beginning to emerge. Agroforestry projects and some climate resilient cash crops (like cardamom and coffee) are taking place in several areas. Community based organisations (CBOs), cooperatives and community groups are experimenting with different water harvesting techniques and participatory approaches in watershed management. While certainly encouraging, however, interventions are still small-scale, under-resourced, and relatively irregular.Structural constraints also limit Nepal's adaptive capacity, especially low public sector investment into agricultural R&D, poorly resourced extension services, and limited opportunities for microfinance in rural areas. Without ongoing institutional support from, and at the same time sustainable partnering with local communities in, the central government and international community, local level innovations will ultimately have little remaining impact and will not fulfil their potential: developmental marginalisation coupled with environmental vulnerability creates a particularly distinct obstacle to sustainable rural resilience. Climate Change and Rural Livelihoods in BangladeshCoastal Fragility and Agricultural CollapseBangladesh is often cited as the global epicenter of climate vulnerability due to its low elevation and high population density, and the threat of sea-level rise, cyclones, and increasing salinity. Approximately 60% of the population are rural. Agriculture provides subsistence and employment for millions of Bangladeshis, and climate adaptation on coastal agricultural lands is critical. The increasing salinization of agricultural crops in coastal areas is a result of ascending sea-level rise - exacerbated by tidal surges from cyclones - and ruining farmland and thus livelihoods.According to the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN, 2020), over 20% of coastal agricultural land in Bangladesh is saline with cascading declines in crops, freshwater, and ecosystem health. Hence, increasing saline agricultural land and increasingly frequent storms, such as Cyclone Amphan (2020), has destabilized rural livelihoods. For example, the southwestern districts of Satkhira and Khulna will suffer chronic inundation and forced displacement as a result of increased salinization, reduced crop yield, and cyclones.Institutional Responses and Grassroots InnovationIn spite of substantial barriers, Bangladesh has a well-respected and recognised adaptation approach globally. There is the National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) and subsequent broader programmes (like the Bangladesh Climate Change Strategy & Action Plan - BCCSAP) in which adaptation has primarily focused on improving (for example cyclone shelters and engineering works - embankments), salinity tolerant crops and disaster risk reduction through prediction and prevention.At the local level, there have been examples of genuine creative adaptation. Farmers are using "floating gardens" (baira), made of water hyacinth and bamboo to grow vegetables, an ingenious way of producing crops in inundated areas. NGOs like BRAC and Practical Action have introduced training on: integrated farming systems; rainwater harvesting; and climate resilient housing. These new practices are being introduced on a large scale, but cannot be scaled because of poverty traps, bureaucratic inertia and upstream funding for downstream actors. Comparative Analysis: Shared Vulnerabilities, Divergent ContextsCommon Patterns of Rural Climate RiskA range of interconnected vulnerabilities can be noted across India, Nepal and Bangladesh. First, the rural economy is heavily reliant on agricultural production, which is naturally sensitive to the impacts of climate change and has established a very precarious economic base. Second, the water available in these areas will either be reduced in availability and quality (i.e. in rain, glacial melt or groundwater), or uncertain. Third, with inadequate rural infrastructure and limited access to climate information systems, insurance or credit, the exposures can increase while recoverability is decreased.Socially, all three countries are experiencing growing climate-induced displacement, feminization of agricultural labor, and decline of traditional knowledge systems that had historically served as buffer systems against environmental stress. Culture and institutional context may differ across the three areas, but they largely appear on a shared trajectory toward growing insecurity and social dislocation.Country-Specific Variations and Structural ImplicationsStill, significant variation exists. Owing to its geographic expanse and institutional capacity, India has created quite complete meteorological networks and adaptation programs; however, these have been inequitably distributed and usually inaccessible to marginalized populations. The federal system of governance also results in significant regional variation of policy implementation.With its mountain ecology and infrastructural deficits, Nepal’s capacity for physical access and service delivery is a continuing predicament. Its community-based adaptation programming—while effective at the local level—needs greater alignment with national priorities and transboundary hydrological management.Despite persistent susceptibility to extreme weather events, Bangladesh has built a culture of disaster preparedness and international engagement. However, challenges remain, as a country defined by a dense population is under an abundance of demographic pressure, much land is essential for adaptation which is unavailable, and poverty levels restrict possibilities for adaptation within already damaged coastal areas.Regional Dynamics and the Case for Integrated ResponsesClimate change does not acknowledge national borders in South Asia. The interconnectedness of river basins, migratory pathways, and shared ecological systems obliges forms of cooperation that include data sharing, early warning systems, and adaptation funding. The South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has identified climate cooperation in name only, as overwhelming climate adjustments we see already and for the future continue to occur. The urgency of a reinvigorated regional climate compact that is guided by mutual accountability, ecological justice, and common technological progress cannot be overstated. Conclusion: Toward a Just and Resilient Rural FutureThe evidence in India, Nepal and Bangladesh presents uncomfortable truths. Climate change is not a threat looming on the horizon; it is now a catastrophic reality for rural peoples in South Asia. As the comparative reflection suggests, the intertwining of environmental degradation and economic precarity, against a backdrop of weak institutional response, creates long-term disempowerment for rural populations.At the same time, these realities also open a door to transformative policy. Climate adaptation cannot be merely a technocratic exercise; it must be socially embedded, equity focused, and participatory. Governments should acknowledge rural realities, and ensure that smallholder farmers and marginalised rural groups are prioritised in climate action plans, are included, where possible, in new climate-smart technologies and are financially enabled, where necessary, to contribute to climate action.At a more international level, multilateral development banks, climate funds, and bilateral donor agencies must invest in new funding streams designed to support locally-led adaptation actions, while establishing good practice in cross-border knowledge sharing (for example, in water governance and agroecological innovations). Additionally, renewed regional action plans must be established, passing from an over-focus on symbolic and rhetorical commitments to protocols that map and model our shared ecologies (and different historical responsibilities).Ultimately, securing rural livelihoods in South Asia during the climate crisis cannot solely be reliant upon scientific innovation and financial investment, but instead requires a reimagining of development itself – where ecological stewardship, social dignity and rural agency is at its heart. References ・Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations. (2019). Climate change and rural incomes: Challenges for India’s smallholder farmers. Retrieved from https://icrier.org/・International Union for Conservation of Nature. (2020). Salinity and climate impacts on agriculture in Bangladesh. Retrieved from https://www.iucn.org/・Ministry of Earth Sciences, Government of India. (2020). Assessment of climate change over the Indian region: A report of the Ministry of Earth Sciences (MoES), Government of India. New Delhi: MoES. https://moes.gov.in・Himalayan Monitoring Report. (2020). The state of Himalayan glaciers: Implications for water resources in Nepal. Kathmandu: ICIMOD. https://icimod.org・Bangladesh Ministry of Environment and Forests. (2009). Bangladesh Climate Change Strategy and Action Plan (BCCSAP). Dhaka: Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh.・Practical Action. (2018). Floating gardens in Bangladesh: Adaptation for resilience. Retrieved from https://practicalaction.org/・SAARC Secretariat. (2022). Regional cooperation on climate change: Status and prospects. Kathmandu: South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation.

In today's world, ransomware attacks have become increasingly sophisticated, exploiting advanced techniques to evade traditional security measures and inflicting severe damage on organizations across multiple sectors. A novel detection mechanism, Adaptive Behavioral Signature Extraction (ABSE), is introduced to address these challenges through a dynamic, real-time approach that autonomously learns from file behaviors to identify and mitigate ransomware threats. Unlike static signature-based methods, ABSE adapts to new ransomware variants without requiring manual updates, ensuring higher detection accuracy for both known and zero-day threats. Through continuous monitoring of file activity and automatic extraction of ransomware-specific behavioral signatures, ABSE minimizes false positives and negatives while maintaining efficient resource utilization. The system's scalability across various network sizes and its ability to detect ransomware in real-time provide robust protection in environments where timely intervention is crucial. The experimental results indicate that ABSE consistently outperforms existing detection systems in terms of accuracy, detection speed, and adaptability, making it a highly effective solution for combating evolving ransomware threats.

Almost all programming languages allow array and object properties to appear on the left side of an assignment, as in a[2] = 4 and a.x = 2. Curiously, none of the conventional programming languages permit modifying a function’s behavior through assignments, such as in f(2) = 4. It seems the elements of a function’s domain have traditionally been considered read-only, rather than true properties of the function. This paper presents an exploratory experience in a compiler course, where students, under the guidance of the instructor, were tasked with implementing a programming language that extends assignment expressions to allow the modification of a function on any element of its domain. This proposal raises the level of abstraction for function modification, compared to what is currently available in many modern languages. One notable consequence of this extension is that by incorporating left-side function assignment and realizing that all data structures can be represented by function subclasses, we immediately get objects, arrays, maps, classes, class inheritance, polymorphism, and access symmetry. into a minimal language. Since all data structures are treated as functions, it not only becomes natural to extend them with functional default behaviors, but also to manipulate them using the algebra of functions. At the same time, the language maintains access symmetry among all data structures including functions, objects, maps and arrays, removing the need for special access syntaxis and using everywhere a functional notation.

This report presents an approach to the Capsule Vision 2024 Challenge, which focuses on multi-class abnormality classification in video capsule endoscopy (VCE) frames. The challenge aims to develop AI models capable of automatically classifying abnormalities captured in VCE video frames into ten distinct categories. To address this, a deep learning-based solution was developed. The model was trained on a diverse dataset comprising 37,607 VCE frames and validated on an additional 16,132 frames. Through extensive hyperparameter tuning, data augmentation, and sampling techniques, the model achieved a mean AUC of 0.98 and a balanced accuracy of 0.83 on the validation dataset. These results demonstrate the effectiveness of this approach in accurately classifying VCE abnormalities, potentially reducing the diagnostic burden on clinicians and improving patient outcomes.

not-yet-known not-yet-known not-yet-known unknown Background: Allergic bronchopulmonary aspergillosis (ABPA), which is one of the respiratory complications of cystic fibrosis, is a hypersensitivity reaction in the lung against the antigens of the fungus Aspergillus fumigatus ( A.fumigatus). If left untreated, it may cause irreversible deteriorations in lung functions. The aim of this study is to determine the incidence of ABPA, according to years and to determine the risk factors leading to the development of ABPA by using the CF Registry System of Turkey data. Methods: The study was designed as a retrospective cohort study. Using the CF Registry System of Turkey data, the incidence of ABPA was determined and the data of 44 patients newly diagnosed with ABPA in 2022 and 132 patients with similar mutation weight and age range without ABPA diagnosis in that year were compared, and the risk factors affecting the development of ABPA were determined. Results: Low pulmonary function test values, having had at least one pulmonary exacerbation in that year and receiving intravenous antibiotic treatment, using inhaled antibiotics, having a high number of pulmonary exacerbations, having Pseudomonas aeroginosa (P.aeroginosa) colonization, having a low body mass index (BMI) and having cystic fibrosis related diabetes mellitus (CFRD) were found to be among the risk factors for the development of ABPA. Conclusions: Early recognition and treatment of ABPA is essential to prevent further damage to the lungs. Patients with frequent pulmonary exacerbations, low BMI and low pulmonary function test values, chronic colonization should definitely be considered for ABPA.

The gut microbiome is an important component of host health and function and is influenced by internal and external factors such as host phylogeny, age, diet, and environment. Monitoring the gut microbiome has become an increasingly important management tool for wild populations of threatened species. The Tasmanian devil (Sarcophilus harrisii) is the largest extant carnivorous marsupial from the island state of Tasmania, Australia. Devils are currently endangered due to devil facial tumour disease. Previous assessments have shown differences between captive and wild devil gut microbiomes and changes during translocations. However, wild gut microbiome variability across Tasmania and the drivers of these differences are not well understood. We conducted a range-wide assessment of gut microbiomes at ten locations across Tasmania, via 16S rRNA sequencing, and tested the influence of diet (12S sequencing), location, sex, and cohort. We show that the five most abundant phylum and genera were consistent across all ten locations. Location, cohort, and sex impacted bacterial richness, but location did not impact diversity. While there were differences in diet across the state, there was no strong evidence of differences between juveniles and adults, nor between males and females. Contrary to our hypothesis, diet only explained a small amount of variation seen in microbial communities. We suspect that other variables, such as environmental factors and immune system development may have a stronger influence on gut microbiome variability. Adjustments to dietary supplementation is not necessary when preparing devils for translocation to different sites. Future research should prioritize collecting environmental samples for microbial analysis and integrating metabolomics to elucidate functional differences associated with Tasmanian devil gut microbiome variability.

Gastrointestinal helminths significantly impact equine health, performance, and welfare. The heavy reliance on anthelmintics for parasite control has raised growing concerns about drug resistance. From October 2023 to April 2024, a cross-sectional study was conducted at Asella and Shashemene to estimate helminth prevalence, assessed risk factors, and evaluated anthelmintic efficacy in equines. Standard parasitological methods were applied to 382 samples to detect parasite eggs or larvae. The fecal egg count reduction test (FECRT) was used to assess anthelmintic efficacy on 180 naturally infected horses (n=90) and donkeys (n=90). At each area, 90 helminth-positive animals, with egg count ≥500 EPG, were assigned to three treatment groups: Fenbendazole, Ivermectin, and a non-treated control. Fecal egg counts were made measured on the day of treatment and 14 days later. The overall prevalence of gastrointestinal helminths was 72%. Parasites identified included Strongylus species (63.87%), Strongyloides westeri (4.71%), Oxyuris equi (4.45%), Parascaris equorum (5.5%), Fasciola hepatica (4.97%), Gastrodiscus species (3.1%), Dicrocillium species (1.3%), Schistosoma species (1.1%), and Anoplocephala perfoliata (5.2%). Parasite burden analysis revealed that most of the animals had light (51.0%), or moderate (38.2%) infections, while 10.7% of they were heavily infected. Prevalence was varied significantly with animal species, age, and study area. The anthelmintic efficacy study showed resistance to Fenbendazole in horses, while parasites in donkeys remained susceptible to both Fenbendazole and Ivermectin. The findings underscore the importance of GIT parasite control in equine and careful use of anthelmintics to manage resistance and maintain effective parasite control.

Integrated Sensing and Communication (ISAC) technology is pivotal in advancing multifunctional radio applications for nextgeneration wireless communications. One of the primary challenges in ISAC systems lies in understanding and interpreting wireless channels for both sensing and communication purposes. A clear relationship between these channels would allow ISAC systems to reduce channel estimation complexity. This paper introduces a comprehensive framework for reconstructing communication channels using monostatic sensing channels within an ISAC system. We first consider the frequency spacing of an ISAC system to geometrically illustrate the synergies and differences between the sensing and communication regions. Subsequently, we construct a communication propagation channel based on overlap determined by this geometric relationship and a simplified monostaticto-bistatic equivalence theorem. Lastly, we combine multipaths located in the same delay bin to construct channel state information (CSI), taking bandwidth limitation into account. Simulations demonstrate that the proposed framework efficiently generates communication channels across various configurations, with numerical results highlighting the impacts of environmental and system constraints on key channel characteristics.